Beta

Password Reset Confirmation

If an account matching the email you entered was found, you will receive an email with a link to reset your password.

Welcome to our Beta

The Advocates of Self-Government is preparing a new experience for our users.

User Not Found

The username/email and password combination you entered was not found. Please try again or contact support.

Skip to main content

Quizzes & Apps

Articles

Author: Jose Nino

Alternatives to Public Education are Growing

At the community newspaper, Bluffton Today, Molly Clancy reported on the rising interest in private schooling. Clancy notes that families are opting for alternative education programs for various reasons: “To honor religious beliefs, prevent bullying, address learning disabilities or behavioral problems, explore more options in academics and athletics.” Private schools have traditionally been the top choice for families who remove their children from the public education system. However, charter schools, online schools, and homeschooling have opened up new opportunities for students in the 21st century. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), the number of homeschoolers in the U.S. grew from 850,000 in 1999 to 1.7 million in 2016. People homeschool for various reasons. Religion tends to be one of the leading factors, however, secular forms of homeschooling have been growing in popularity. Some children feel held back by the one-size-fits-all educational model of public schools, and cannot reach their full potential in such a constrained environment. In some cases, the school environment poses an actual danger to a child’s safety. This rings especially true for children in urban schools where violence during the school day is not uncommon. Thanks to our digital era, we’re seeing a rise in the alternative of virtual schooling. In the article, Clancy points to Georgia Virtual School which features courses that can supplement or even replace public, private, and home education for students with special needs. While virtual education acts as a supplement rather than a replacement more often, it demonstrates the multifaceted nature of education in our digital era. Of educational alternatives, charter schools have gained the most notoriety in recent years. According to the NCES, these publicly funded but privately managed institutions have witnessed a boom in enrollment over the last two decades. As of 2016, 3 million students were enrolled in charter schools, representing 6 percent of the total public school population. Charter schools tend to be independently governed, which usually translates into fewer layers of administration between students, parents, and staff. The lack of bureaucracy in charter schools is a major selling point to parents who prefer a more streamlined educational experience for their children. What we see described in the aforementioned article about Georgia is part of a growing national trend of parents questioning the public schooling their children are receiving. Hopefully, such developments can actually snowball into a movement towards non-governmental forms of education, which have been the norm in America throughout most of its history. The key to education reform is not so much about whether one alternative model is the best. The overarching theme is really about market choice in education. With genuine market variants of education available, schoolchildren can finally acquire educational services in line with their needs. Just because politicians claim government-run schools are “for the children” does not make it so. The history of public education has shown that it benefits politically-connected teacher organizations and administrators at the expense of pupils. A new educational path for America’s youth is long overdue.

Should Bernie Sanders Be Called Out For His Past Views?

Bernie Sanders’ recent comments about Cuba have been the target of numerous attacks from both his Democratic rivals in the 2020 presidential race and conservative candidates. In an interview with 60 Minutes, Sanders said, “We are very opposed to the authoritarian nature of Cuba. But, you know, it’s unfair to simply say, ‘Everything is bad.’ When Fidel Castro came into office, you know what he did? He had a massive literacy program. Is that a bad thing, even though Fidel Castro did it?” Republican Senator Marco Rubio, the son of Cubans who escaped Cuban totalitarianism, quickly attacked Sanders. Rubio noted,  “The central promise every Marxist makes is that if we give up some of our individual freedom, the state will provide us more “security” like free health care and education.” He then concluded, “But ultimately Marxism fails to deliver “security” and you don’t have the freedom to do anything about it.” Even moderate leftists within the Democrat Party such as Donna Shalala have criticized Sanders for his comments. The Florida Congresswoman tweeted, “I’m hoping that in the future, Senator Sanders will take time to speak to some of my constituents before he decides to sing the praises of a murderous tyrant like Fidel Castro.” The Trump campaign will be looking to score points against Sanders on the campaign trail should he receive the Democratic Party nomination. His comments — both current and past — will offer easy attack material for the campaign to exploit. Back in the 1980s, while he was the mayor of Burlington, Vermont, Sanders praised Nicaraguan strongman Daniel Ortega. During a visit to Nicaragua in 1985, Sanders met up with Ortega, whom he described as “a very impressive guy.” During this period, Nicaragua was mired in a civil war and Ortega presided over numerous human rights abuses. The country was one of few during the period of 1960 until the end of the 20th century that actually witnessed negative economic growth on a per capita GDP basis. In 1989, Bernie Sanders visited Cuba — the Western Hemisphere’s most lurid illustration of communism at the time — and had positive words about the country’s “free health care, free education, free housing.” Sanders has avoided referencing his previous praise for economically radical communist regimes so far in his campaign. Instead, he has paid tribute to social democracies like Denmark and Sweden. “When I talk about democratic socialism, I’m not looking at Venezuela. I’m not looking at Cuba,” he famously stated. “I’m looking at countries like Denmark and Sweden.” There are several things to unpack here. Indeed, there are substantial differences between Venezuela and Scandinavian welfare states. The former is an authoritarian socialist state that has reached the nadir of its multi-decade decline. Property rights are non-existent, while government-induced shortages and hyperinflation are the order of the day.  On the other hand, the latter countries are redistributionist states with strong institutions that protect property rights. More importantly, the prosperity we see in Scandinavian countries is the result of multiple decades of capitalism that allowed the countries to accumulate enough wealth to establish a welfare state. Nevertheless, Scandinavian welfare states have encountered issues due to mass immigration, rampant political correctness promoted by government authorities, and fiscal imbalances that were the result of profligate spending policies during the 1970s. Not all have been paradise in Scandinavia. However, to be intellectually honest, we must recognize historical nuances and contrasts between countries. Back to Sanders, his comments illustrate a tone-deafness on his part. The regimes that he has praised or normalized in rhetoric are some of the most repressive in recent memory. We can give Sanders the benefit of the doubt when it comes to some of his changing views, however, his previous praise of authoritarian leftist governments should be condemned. The modern-day Left has shifted its focus to identity politics, globalism, and political correctness, which Sanders has embraced in recent years. What ties these ideological strains of leftism together is their disregard for decentralized governance, civil liberties, individual expression, and civil society. From now until Election Day (should Sanders receive the Democratic nomination), the Vermont Senator should continue to be held to account for his entire body of political views. Voters deserve to know what Sanders truly stands for and if he is willing to admit he was wrong.

How Should We Address the Rising Costs of College Education?

On the website Wolf Street, blogger Wolf Richter observed an interesting trend at the end of 2019. It’s no secret that higher education has become increasingly expensive. Over the last three decades, tuition costs have increased by over 100 percent. Student debt now hovers at around $1.6 trillion. Curiously, college enrollment has fallen for the eighth consecutive year. The total university headcount, which includes both undergraduate and graduate students, dropped by 1.3 percent from the fall of 2018 to the fall of 2019, according to the Student Clearing House. To put this in perspective, there were 20.14 million students enrolled in the fall of 2011. By 2019, 17.97 million students were enrolled, marking a 10.8 percent drop of 2.17 million students. What makes these figures even more peculiar is how much student debt has continued to increase. Richter noted that “student loan balances have surged 74% over the same period, from $940 billion to $1.64 trillion.” Such trends have not gone unnoticed. 2020 Democratic presidential candidates have made higher education reform a fixture of their campaign platforms. Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders is advocating for a complete government takeover of higher education through his free college and student debt cancellation proposals. Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren has pursued similar plans by promoting student loan forgiveness. This is a brilliant campaign strategy given the disenchantment of Millenials who are entering the workforce with tons of debt and current generations of students who will likely find themselves in a similar situation. However, what attracts votes does not translate into good policy, especially when it involves the government taking over the education sector. American higher education is already too politicized as it is. With even more expansive government influence in the mix, college curriculum will only become more susceptible to political manipulation. Instead of gaining skills that translate to the private sector, students will be subject to constant indoctrination. The original problem of higher education is a problem that the government created in the first place through government-backed student loans. In securing these loans, the government artificially boosted demand for higher education. In response to this demand, university administrators responded with tuition hikes.  But the education question goes even deeper. One can make the case that government involvement in the university accreditation process has proven to be a constricting factor that limits the number of educational institutions that can emerge. In turn, this protects established universities from the competition of upstart higher education models that get priced out by accreditation compliance standards. It’s really a question of education supply, which when restricted, makes the overall price higher for the service. It’s basic economics at the end of the day. But for politicians crazily looking for votes, this does not factor into their equation. What we’re witnessing in higher education is what happens when we deviate from traditional educational policies that allow civil society and the market to provide the service, as opposed to state-sponsored programs. Circling back to the declining enrollment observation, one can speculate that parents and students alike are beginning to recognize that university degrees may not have the same value as they used to. In turn, people are going to community colleges, technical schools, or opting to learn a trade. More pragmatic post-secondary education reforms would likely involve the liberalization of the trade school field and incentives for students to enter those fields instead. The traditional university degree might not be the most financially sound investment for many people, and policymakers should adapt accordingly.

California Universal Background Checks Had No Real Effect on Crime

Dean Weingarten at the pro-Second Amendment website Ammoland recently discovered some revelatory data regarding California’s universal background check policy. According to a study that was published recently in The Annals of Epidemiology, California’s universal background check law and the state ban on firearm ownership for those convicted of violent misdemeanors has had no effect on firearm-related homicides or deaths. The policy was passed in 1991 and the study focused on the time periods before and after the law was passed. In conclusion, the study revealed that the law had no effect on firearms homicides or suicides. Of the 50 states, California has built a reputation for being one of the most anti-gun in the nation. In Guns & Ammo magazine’s 2019 Best States for Gun Owners rankings, California was ranked in 47th place. Given that California does not have any provisions where the right to bear arms is protected in its constitution, its abysmal ranking should not be surprising. Universal background checks are a popular gun control policy that state legislatures have been entertaining during the last decade. However popular these policies may be, recent evidence has shown that they are not conducive to fighting crime. For example,  Missouri had UBCs from 1981 to 2007. Even though murder rates had increased by 17 percent five years after Missouri’s UBC policy was repealed, five years prior to the law’s repeal, murder rates increased by 32 percent. This is a clear indicator that Missouri had an overarching murder problem regardless of what gun policies it had in effect. The expiration of Missouri’s UBC law slowed the increase in Missouri’s murder rate. In sum, gun control advocates cannot jump out and say their policies immediately fix crime rates. Beyond their efficacy or lack thereof in fighting crime, UBCs bring about problems when it comes to regulatory barriers. What most gun control champions won’t tell their constituents is that these laws don’t just get financed by money coming out of thin air. Generally speaking, UBCs involve harsh fees on each firearms transaction. Gun researcher John Lott cited the examples of Washington, D.C. and New York City, where private gun transfers cost at least $125. UBC fees present a significant financial barrier to the working class in crime-prone cities. Individuals who are not economically well-off are frequently on the receiving end of violent crime and can’t always rely on law enforcement to protect them. In contrast, criminals ignore gun laws and go about carrying out crimes regardless of what gun control measures are put in place. Typically, when a gun control policy fails, the Left will not consider the possibility that gun control is an ineffective measure in combating crime. Instead, they’ll suggest that states pass more gun control. And when the next set of gun control fails, they’ll insist on another round of anti-gun policies. It’s a never-ending cycle. We ultimately have to ask, what is their endgame? As gun control policies become so draconian, it will only be the government, criminals (who don’t care about laws or regulations), and those privileged to afford firearms or security that will have guns. The relaxation of gun ownership laws is an obvious solution to this problem. In addition to liberalizing gun laws so that more law-abiding people can arm themselves, we should consider more efficient use of police resources in crime-ridden areas and consider policies restoring civic institutions in inner cities. These measures will do much more to curb crime and bring a sense of social cohesion to these areas than whatever gun control law is in style these days.

Tennessee Plans on Putting Right to Work in Its Constitution

A bill that would bolster Tennessee’s current Right to Work law by having it written into the state constitution is set to be voted on later this year. Right to Work laws end forced unionization schemes where employees are forced to join a union as a condition of employment. One of the defenders of the initiative, State Senator Brian Kelsey, raised a valid point in the Tennessean: “People are moving from non-right-to-work states to right-to-work states. This is part of the reason we’re growing. By enacting this constitutional amendment, you would make it much more difficult (for it to be repealed).” According to research from the National Right to Work Committee, states with Right to Work laws experience more job growth, have more people moving to them, and have higher levels of disposable income. Tennessee’s current Right to Work law has been on the books since 1947. For this law to become a constitutional amendment it has to go through several procedural hurdles. It must garner support from a simple majority of the General Assembly and be approved by at least two-thirds of the overall legislature this year. From there, it can be placed on the ballot for a statewide referendum. Tennessee’s decision to enshrine Right to Work in its constitution is largely motivated by the Democrat takeover of the Virginia General Assembly. During the 2019 elections, Virginia Democrats made it a point to call for the repeal of Virginia’s Right to Work law. With complete control of the Virginia state government, this will likely become a reality. So, it does make sense why Tennessee lawmakers are looking to make Right to Work a part of the state’s constitutional order. Sun Belt states like Tennessee have made a name for themselves with their pro-business climates that allow enterprises of all shapes and sizes to operate freely without having a massive state breathing down their necks. Tennessee is among the most economically free states in the country with an overall economic freedom ranking of 2nd place, according to the Cato Institute’s Freedom in the 50 States index. Right to Work laws are a practical check against the federal powers Big Labor has wielded since the passage of the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 — which established compulsory collective bargaining. Since the federal government has no desire to reform its labor policies, it will take state-level action to fight back. Right to Work laws does a solid job of restoring several aspects of the freedom of association that Americans have gradually lost since the New Deal era. Having Right to Work protected by the Tennessee Constitution would be a significant victory for the state and would solidify its pro-commerce status. In doing so, it can continue to position itself as one of the most economically free states in the country.

Social Justice Does Not Belong in the Classroom

Social justice has become one of the most prevalent buzzwords in today’s environment of identity politics. This concept has been used to justify a myriad of redistribution schemes that are purported to serve allegedly disadvantaged groups. Heather Mac Donald, a contributor at the public policy magazine City Journal, notes how pervasive social justice education has become throughout schools in America. “The cult of race and gender victimology a .k .a. ‘diversity,’” as Mac Donald puts it, is put on a pedestal, while concepts such as meritocracy and accountability are cast aside. In many cases, students are now being required to take social justice courses that deal with gender or racial issues. These courses are sometimes even mandated as graduation requirements at certain universities. What were once venues of impartial inquiry and real education, social justice activists have co-opted many academic institutions. One of the biggest obsessions is with educational achievement gaps between students of different ethnicities. Indeed, this topic is sensitive. We can debate ad infinitum about the factors behind these gaps, but the real question is what policies will be pursued to address these concerns.  Unsurprisingly, the state is the favored entity social justice advocates seek to harness as they forward their agenda. Let’s face it, inequality is here to stay. Certain people have unique skill sets and perform better than others. That’s just a part of life. However, many people don’t recognize this and will instead conjure up the imaginary ghosts of “white supremacy” and “racism” to explain varying outcomes. This is a springboard for affirmative action policies and other forms of social engineering, such as what Richard Carranza, the New York City Schools Chancellor is promoting to supposedly correct previous injustices. Social justice movements thrive in government-dominated education sectors. When there is no profit and loss system to signal if a school is actually providing a service that students and parents want, instructors and administrators have the ability to engage in many bizarre social experiments without facing the consequences of their actions. Once in a blue moon, you’ll see some teaching staff fired, but that tends to be under exceptional circumstances. And, when many of these schools fail, they will simply just receive more funding. This money isn’t coming out of thin air, it’s extracted from hardworking taxpayers only to be sent to institutions like public schools which are bogged down in bureaucracy. The way we can solve many of these social issues is by actually liberating the education sector. While market forces do not necessarily produce equal outcomes, they do make people better off and give them more options. The American education sector used to have less government intrusion and it sufficiently enabled millions of Americans to receive a quality education at a reasonable cost. Ever since the New Deal, America has taken the radical path of centralization. Education has not been exempt from this trend thanks to the creation of the Department of Education in 1979, which allowed education to be politicized and exploited by nefarious actors advancing political agendas. Before we can even entertain market reforms in education, social justice ideologies must be confronted intellectually and repudiated with strong arguments. Once the Overton window of ideas shifts regarding the education question, the marketplace of opportunities will expand significantly. The seeping of identity politics into education should serve as a reminder to many conservatives and libertarians alike why they must get more serious about keeping the government out of education. By allowing the education sector to function like any other market, parents can send their kids to school in venues that are free from toxic identity politics, allowing them to actually pursue educational ends. Educational institutions that propagate social justice may still exist, but they’re likely to be relegated to the fringes, where this kind of ideology rightfully belongs.

Republicans Get Pharmaceutical Policy Wrong

In Washington, D.C., it’s becoming clear that both parties do not believe in authentic free market policies. This is most apparent when dealing with healthcare. Even supposed “pro-market” Republicans are falling for interventionist traps such as price controls. Daniel Savickas the Regulatory Policy Manager of Freedomworks called attention to how Republicans have done a lousy job regarding pharmaceutical pricing policy. Last year, Iowa Senator Chuck Grassley correctly teamed up with other conservative leaders to rally against the international pricing index (IPI) proposal from the Trump administration. The policy would have mandated price controls on prescription medicine in the U.S. in accordance with their listed prices in foreign countries. Grassley was correct in noting how Trump’s original plan would have been detrimental toward research and development. R&D is a crucial process in the creation of new drugs that can potentially bring cures to the market. Grassley countered with his own bill, which ironically contained its own form of price controls. Under Grassley’s proposal, a stiff tax would be slapped on pharmaceutical companies that hike their prices above the rate of inflation. This type of proposal does not make any economic sense because companies often shoulder certain costs or face unforeseen economic restraints that require them to raise prices. For a politician hailing from a party that claims to be in favor of limited government, Grassley’s plan to have the government intervene in the price system completely contradicts the notion. Such a tax would not only hinder the ability of companies to bring drugs to the market but these taxes — just like the majority of taxes on goods — would ultimately be passed on to consumers. In sum, everyone’s standard of living drops in this equation. Some of these matters really boil down to the basics. The price system will never go away no matter how hard legislators try to defy the iron laws of economics. When price controls are imposed from above, shortages ensue thanks to the high demand that is not met with a corresponding increase in supply. This has been clear throughout various shortage episodes in the last half-century, from the United States in the 70s regarding gas shortages to Venezuela’s widespread shortage of basic goods today. With how radicalized healthcare discussions have become these days, a real, market alternative is desperately needed. On one hand, you have calls for tighter price controls on drugs from the likes of establishment Democrats such as House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. On the other hand, candidates like Bernie Sanders are calling for a single-payer healthcare system. None of these options will do much to improve healthcare outcomes in America, but they will assuredly grow the size of government. In fact, they may worsen the quality and accessibility of healthcare. The very least Republicans can do as an opposition party is to propose legislation that actually reduces the government’s presence in the healthcare system and drug markets. Agencies like the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) are notorious for delaying the arrival of life-saving drugs thanks to all the regulatory hoops put in place. Challenging the role of this soulless bureaucracy would not only galvanize the public but also improve the overall drug market by making it more affordable and accessible to the public. Instead, Republicans opt for a moderate form of interventionism, which makes for good politics in the short term. However, this does not end well in the long term, since the government has a tendency to grow. This has been the story of the last century and it will likely not end until a political movement offers a solution that rolls back the state and lets the market and civil society provide healthcare solutions.

Indiana Prosecutor Wants To Strengthen State’s Red Flag Law

The recent red flag law phenomena represent one of the newest fronts in the gun control battles popping up across the nation. Under these laws, government officials are granted the power to seize firearms from individuals who are considered potential threats. The catch is that these orders are carried out without any form of due process. Although red flag laws are generally associated with blue states, some conservative states like Indiana were among the first few to implement such policies. Cam Edwards of the pro-Second Amendment website Bearing Arms notes that Indiana has had red flag laws in place since 2005. Now, a prosecutor in the state wants to overhaul the law. Marion County District Attorney Ryan Mears claims that under the current law, a person who has had their firearms confiscated can still purchase a gun at a store while they appeal their case. He believes that this policy needs to change. The law in question, also known as the Jake Laird Law, gives law enforcement the authority to take an individual’s gun if they think that an individual is dangerous or mentally ill. Subsequently, a hearing is set within 14 days. For Mears, this is not enough. Once the case goes to trial, Mears claims that the process can drag out for months, and during that time, a person can legally buy another gun. Instead, he proposes that the current red flag law be strengthened. “I think we need to have the courage to say it doesn’t make sense for this person to have the ability to purchase a firearm literally an hour later after they go through this stressful situation,” he stated. It’s abundantly clear that a prosecutor like Mears doesn’t care about the constitutional right to due process. Indeed, the closing gap in the aforementioned law would make it easier to confiscate firearms from people, but the U.S. is a nation that respects civil liberties, not the political whims of do-gooder politicians. On top of that, red flag laws have proven to be ineffective at stopping crimes. Also, giving police increased power to strip people of their rights before a trial is conducted is a surefire way to open up a Pandora’s box of abuse. That’s the nature of unintended consequences of legislation. Nonetheless, there are non-legislative means available to tackle the issue of gun violence. More proactive community policing in areas where it can be statistically determined that gun violence tends to take place, and the reconstruction of mental health infrastructure can function as alternatives to gun control — which is a civil liberties destroyer. We shouldn’t have to give up civil liberties to have safety.

Higher Education Needs a Market Facelift

No matter how we look at it, the higher education affordability question will have to be addressed. At the American Spectator, Rachel Tripp offered a sober analysis of the state of higher education in America. It’s no secret that the cost of a college education is one of the most pressing issues for young American adults. According to the National Bureau of Education Research (NBER), tuition prices skyrocketed by 102 percent from 1987 to 2010.  By 2019, 45 million people borrowed for school. Total student debt has ballooned to $1.5 trillion as of 2019. These are clear signs that higher education is starting to become a financial burden for many. As a result, politicians have looked to exploit this dilemma. Democratic presidential candidates Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren have positioned themselves as the “pro-student” candidates by pushing for student loan forgiveness. Warren’s plan specifically calls for $50,000 of debt cancellation for all households earning less than $100,000. Tripp is correct in noting that this plan “essentially amounts to a $50,000 government voucher” and “it will incentivize students to view a $100,000 debt as a $50,000 debt, making them more willing to apply to pricier colleges and take out higher loans.” Given these incentives, universities would respond accordingly by raising their prices. To add insult to injury, American taxpayers would be forced to foot a $1.2 trillion bill during the next 10 years to pay off this debt. We are not living in a vacuum, folks. The national debt already stands at $23 trillion, and adding another big-spending scheme will just shackle future generations with even more debt. Although these plans are likely rooted in good intentions, they do not make for good policy. Undoubtedly, the students saddled in debt did voluntarily choose to go to college and take on whatever risk is associated with the decision. There is a degree of personal responsibility they must assume when making these decisions. As Tripp noted, “Community colleges, state schools, work-study programs, and vocational programs are viable options that incur much less debt.” Nevertheless, it’s not productive to just scoff at an indebted student’s decision to major in a relatively unproductive field and label it as a foolish mistake. We should have a degree of empathy when considering some of the institutional rot in the background — such as government intervention in education — which caused this mess in the first place. That being said, student loan forgiveness should not be the policy used to address this problem. Firstly, student loan forgiveness would reward students who were negligent about borrowing thousands of dollars in loans without taking into consideration their future capacity to pay off those loans. Those who actually paid their loans off responsibly would receive the short end of the stick. It’s also worth noting the true factors behind this problem. Although it’s fashionable to demonize banks and launch attacks against the “free market,” these critiques ignore the real culprit behind the current financial pickle students find themselves in — government involvement in the education sector. Thanks to government encroachments in the student loan sector beginning in the 1960s and subsequent decades, there has been unprecedented state involvement in promoting student loans to people who may lack the ability to pay them off once out of college. The guaranteed loans artificially boost demand, which allows universities to take advantage of this economic distortion by hiking tuition rates. Not often mentioned in higher education discussions is the role of legal barriers to the number of academic institutions in the country. Economist Gary North noted that university accreditation used to be conducted in a private manner through the use of private associations. Nowadays, there are state laws that regulate the use of the word “university” and mandate that these institutions be accredited. These institutional barriers prevent new academic services from entering the market and result in higher overall prices for educational services. The state of higher education is a microcosm of the U.S. political economy, which is shackled by excessive regulation. Interestingly, the deregulation of education is not a pie-in-the-sky policy proposal. Historically, civil society and market institutions have provided a broad basket of educational services. So, it’s not unrealistic to suggest some liberalization for this sector. The question is, will politicians actually consider an alternative? Recent history shows otherwise.

Staten Island Politicians Want to Break Free From NYC

Is Staten Island ready to leave New York City? The New York Post recently reported on an effort to divide the state of New York into three regions. Republican Assemblyman Michael Reilly has become so fed up with New York City’s high taxes and reckless spending that he is hoping that upstate New York annexes Staten Island. Fellow Assemblyman David DiPietro has channeled Reilly’s frustration into a bold plan called Divide New York. This plan would divide the state into three regions: New York City, Montauk, and New Amsterdam. Montauk would be comprised of Nassau, Suffolk, Westchester, and Rockland counties and New Amsterdam would be made up of all of upstate New York. Reilly would take the plan even further by getting Staten Island out of New York City and have it join with upstate New York. “In my personal view, I’m leaning toward going up to New Amsterdam,” he told the Post. “I don’t think we would align with the Montauk region.” In a previous report from the Post, DiPietro outlined his plan which would create independent regions, each having their own governor and legislative body with the power to run their own schools and craft fiscal policies. People may think this development is bizarre, but it should be welcomed by any proponent of freedom. With over 19 million people, New York is already one of the largest states in the country with a diverse array of regions and citizens. At times, such diversity does not make for good political cohesion. So, it stands to reason why some conservative New Yorkers may feel at odds with the interests of New York City dominating state politics. Although this proposal will likely get shot down, it does bring up a much-needed conversation about political decentralization. Americans take for granted the separation of powers, not only within the federal government, but also between the states and federal government. Even then, there exists a separation of powers between state governments and their local subdivisions. These multiple layers of government facilitate a certain degree of competition between political units. However, state governments can get quite large and out of touch with their constituents. It’s only natural that tension will begin to surface. While some lament these hostilities, others see new opportunities for decentralization. Economist Ludwig von Mises offered this interesting insight concerning distressed political minorities in his book Omnipotent Government: “A nation, therefore, has no right to say to a province: You belong to me, I want to take you. A province consists of its inhabitants. If anybody has a right to be heard in this case it is these inhabitants. Boundary disputes should be settled by plebiscite.” The state of New York could possibly learn a thing or two from von Mises about how to deal with this representation dilemma.  Although the New York legislators’ proposal will likely languish, they should be praised for their efforts. If they genuinely care about the interests of Staten Island constituents, they will continue pushing the issue in future sessions of the New York State Assembly.

Does America Benefit From Staying in NATO?

The Trump era has witnessed a shakeup not just in electoral politics, but also in commonly held assumptions concerning foreign policy. One assumption that stands out, in particular, is America’s role within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO’s formation in 1949 was spurred by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. These world powers partnered with other European nations as a means of providing a collective defense against the imminent threat of the Soviet Union. Kevin Barron, the editor of online news site Defense One notes that there is a crisis of confidence within NATO. The factors are numerous. Some believe that the leaders of certain member countries such as the United States and Turkey are warming up to Russia. However, a bigger concern may be NATO members’ reluctance to support the U.S. in future military endeavors. French President Emmanuel Macron was at the center of headlines last year when he described NATO as “brain dead,” casting further doubt about the organization’s usefulness in the 21st century. From the looks of it, the organization has outlived its purpose. From the American point of view, it’s clear that the country is shouldering the overwhelming portion of the burden. According to the British research institute the International Institute for Strategic Studies, America’s defense spending in 2018 stood at $602.8 billion, which is the equivalent of 70.1 percent of total spending by all NATO member states. As far as direct contributions to NATO are concerned, the U.S. pitched in $685 million, constituting 22.1 percent of NATO’s common funding in 2018. President Trump was right to demand that NATO members start pitching in more for defense purposes. This yielded a tangible result after NATO members came to an agreement to increase their defense spending. Now, the U.S. is only contributing 16 percent to the common fund. In an ideal scenario, the U.S. would leave NATO altogether. The Founding Fathers were quite explicit about avoiding entangling alliances and exercising military restraint abroad. The very nature of these arrangements can get the U.S. involved in nonstop wars that are not beneficial to national interests. We no longer have the Soviet Union as a major threat, and Russia may not be the “Big Bad” that many foreign policy experts and media commentators make it out to be these days. Although much progress is yet to be made on foreign policy, Trump has at least changed the discussion in Washington. He did run on an “America First” platform that questioned the wisdom of nation-building projects in Iraq and Afghanistan. Trump also challenged America’s role in NATO, believing that the nation paid too much while other countries were not pulling their weight. At the very least, we’re seeing discussions about foreign policy in terms of national interest rather than vague ideological justifications, such as “human rights” or making the world “safe for democracy.” The question is, will Trump break the mold and get the U.S. out of NATO? Only time will tell.

Senator Rand Paul Believes Foreign Aid Feeds Corruption

The foreign aid debate is slowly changing in D.C., and it might be moving in a positive direction. The recently concluded impeachment saga had a silver lining to it, regardless of where one stood on the issue. Politicians like Senator Rand Paul are leading the charge in rethinking America’s foreign aid policy, which played a role in the impeachment debate. In December, Paul said in an interview with CNN that President Donald Trump should have every reason to be skeptical of foreign aid. He specifically used the case of Ukraine, which was at the center of the recent impeachment proceedings. In short, President Trump withheld foreign aid from Ukraine until the country’s president Volodymyr Zelensky provided Trump information that could expose some of his Democratic rivals’ dirty laundry. This caused House Democrats to launch an investigation into Trump and to impeach him on obstruction of Congress and abuse of power charges. The senator told CNN:
All the governments of Ukraine have been corrupt. And, yes, I do think that foreign aid does not cure corruption. I think foreign aid aids and abets corruption. And if you look at studies, you actually find that the more corrupt nations get more money, because we think we’re going to somehow make them better.
Paul specifically referenced Ukraine’s rampant corruption. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Ukraine is ranked as the 120th least corrupt country in the world. Such corruption is only exacerbated by foreign aid, which is essentially a wealth transfer from domestic taxpayers to elites in foreign countries. Often times these foreign countries are already corrupt, so giving them aid will only encourage their crooked leaders to operate in an unscrupulous manner. Ukraine received $559 million in aid in 2018 according to USAID. Foreign aid has been ramped up to Ukraine largely because of Russia’s intervention in the Crimean peninsula since 2014. Although this is preferable to having troops intervening in that region, why does the American government feel obligated to use taxpayer dollars to pick sides in a foreign conflict abroad? It’s time to be honest. The U.S. is completely overstretched when it comes to military resources, be it troops or aid it sends abroad. When factoring in how bad the nation’s debt situation has become, we should pause before sending even more money abroad. The U.S. can’t play world police nor should it try to interfere in the affairs of other countries via conventional or soft power. What is good for foreign policy elites is not necessarily good for Main Street. Countries like Ukraine will have to fix their own problems, from the current conflict with Russia to establish some semblance of economic freedom. In the latter case, Ukraine is ranked 147th place in the Heritage Foundation’s 2019 Index of Economic Freedom. So, on economic and political fronts, Ukraine has a lot of work to do. A more reasonable policy the U.S. can take regarding Ukraine is to play the role of mediator in pursuing a peaceful solution to their conflict with Russia. An even bolder step would be to establish full-fledged free trade so that capital and investment can flow into Ukraine and help develop its economy. These are better alternatives to D.C.’s generic foreign aid and regime change strategies that have often yielded sub-optimal results during the last few decades. Senator Paul should be saluted for putting forward the idea of cutting foreign aid and finding better alternatives.